{"id":745,"date":"2026-07-20T11:03:15","date_gmt":"2026-07-20T08:03:15","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sigorta.nesiblog.com\/?p=745"},"modified":"2026-07-20T11:03:15","modified_gmt":"2026-07-20T08:03:15","slug":"ozer-simsek-natonun-gelecegi-ve-avrupa-savunmasi-icin-yeni-bir-perspektif","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sigorta.nesiblog.com\/?p=745","title":{"rendered":"\u00d6zer \u015eim\u015fek: \u201cNATO\u2019nun gelece\u011fi ve Avrupa savunmas\u0131 i\u00e7in yeni bir perspektif\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>NATO\u2019nun gelece\u011fi kadar Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ABD olmadan kendi g\u00fcvenli\u011fini sa\u011flay\u0131p sa\u011flayamayaca\u011f\u0131 da tart\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor. Ortak ordu, savunma sanayisi ve cayd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k hedefleri konu\u015fulurken, k\u0131tan\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011fu siyasi ve stratejik ger\u00e7ekler bu vizyonun uygulanabilirli\u011fini sorgulat\u0131yor.<\/strong><\/h4>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">NATO\u2019nun gelece\u011fi art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca Rusya tehdidi \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ABD olmadan kendi g\u00fcvenli\u011fini sa\u011flay\u0131p sa\u011flayamayaca\u011f\u0131 sorusu \u00fczerinden tart\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor. Ankara\u2019da ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen NATO Liderler Zirvesi de bu tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 yeni bir a\u015famaya ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131. \u201cNATO 3.0\u201d yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 kapsam\u0131nda Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n savunma kapasitesi, ABD\u2019nin de\u011fi\u015fen rol\u00fc ve k\u0131tan\u0131n yeni g\u00fcvenlik mimarisi masaya yat\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Ancak as\u0131l soru h\u00e2l\u00e2 cevap bekliyor: Avrupa ger\u00e7ekten kendi cayd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturabilecek mi? <strong>Odak Noktas\u0131 Yazar\u0131 \u00d6zer \u015eim\u015fek<\/strong>, \u2018NATO\u2019nun Gelece\u011fi ve Avrupa Savunmas\u0131 i\u00e7in yeni bir perspektif\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 k\u00f6\u015fe yaz\u0131s\u0131nda bu konuyu ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir \u015fekilde inceliyor ve \u015fu tespiti yap\u0131yor: \u201cAvrupa\u2019n\u0131n temel problemi b\u00fct\u00e7e de\u011fil; stratejik ak\u0131l. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ortak tehdit alg\u0131s\u0131 olmayan, siyasi \u00f6nceliklerini asker\u00ee ger\u00e7eklerin \u00f6n\u00fcne koyan ve en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc m\u00fcttefiklerinin kabiliyetlerini dahi ideolojik filtrelerle de\u011ferlendiren bir k\u0131tan\u0131n, ne ortak bir ordu kurmas\u0131 ne de ortak bir sava\u015f doktrini geli\u015ftirmesi kolay de\u011fil. Tarih, ittifaklar\u0131n yaln\u0131zca ortak d\u00fc\u015fmanla de\u011fil, ortak ak\u0131lla ayakta kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 defalarca g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir.\u201d<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz hafta Ankara, NATO liderler zirvesine ev sahipli\u011fi yapt\u0131. Zirvede, \u201cNATO 3.0\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlanan yeni g\u00fcvenlik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde; de\u011fi\u015fen tehdit alg\u0131s\u0131, Rusya-Ukrayna sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n Avrupa g\u00fcvenlik mimarisine etkileri, ABD\u2019nin \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nemde Avrupa savunmas\u0131nda \u00fcstlenece\u011fi rol ve Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n kendi savunma kapasitesini nas\u0131l yeniden in\u015fa edece\u011fi kapsaml\u0131 bi\u00e7imde ele al\u0131nd\u0131. Asl\u0131nda bug\u00fcn NATO\u2019nun gelece\u011fi tart\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131rken as\u0131l cevap aranmas\u0131 gereken soru, Atlantik \u0130ttifak\u0131\u2019n\u0131n do\u011fu yakas\u0131nda Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n, ABD\u2019nin g\u00fcvenlik \u015femsiyesinin giderek darald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemde kendi cayd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l tesis edece\u011fidir.<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Bu konuda son d\u00f6nemde yay\u0131mlanan \u00e7ok say\u0131da asker\u00ee d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce kurulu\u015fu raporu ile Avrupa Birli\u011fi kurumlar\u0131nda y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen tart\u0131\u015fmalar, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ortak bir yol haritas\u0131nda bulu\u015fuyor. Buna g\u00f6re Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n, ABD\u2019nin sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 istihbarat, uzay, komuta-kontrol ve f\u00fcze savunmas\u0131 kabiliyetlerini ikame etmesi, ortak bir savunma sanayisi ve uzun vadeli tedarik sistemi olu\u015fturmas\u0131, yakla\u015f\u0131k 300 bin ilave aktif ve yedek personel \u00fcretmesi, do\u011fu kanad\u0131nda kal\u0131c\u0131 ve y\u00fcksek haz\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 kuvvetler konu\u015fland\u0131rmas\u0131, \u0130ngiltere, Fransa, T\u00fcrkiye, Norve\u00e7 ve Ukrayna\u2019y\u0131 kapsayan geni\u015f bir Avrupa savunma mimarisi kurmas\u0131, Frans\u0131z ve \u0130ngiliz n\u00fckleer cayd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Avrupa g\u00fcvenli\u011finin par\u00e7as\u0131 h\u00e2line getirmesi ve nihayet Amerikan deste\u011finin azalaca\u011f\u0131 varsay\u0131m\u0131yla yeni bir Avrupa sava\u015f doktrini geli\u015ftirmesi gerekti\u011fi savunuluyor.<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">K\u00e2\u011f\u0131t \u00fczerinde tutarl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcnen bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n siyasi ger\u00e7ekleri, toplumsal yap\u0131s\u0131, sanayi kapasitesi ve stratejik refleksleri dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ciddi \u201cvarsay\u0131mlara\u201d dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum. Dahas\u0131, bu \u00f6nerilerin \u00f6nemli bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc bana g\u00f6re uygulanabilir olmaktan ziyade temenni niteli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131yor. Bu nedenle, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n gelecekteki savunma mimarisine ili\u015fkin h\u00e2kim yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n temel varsay\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 sorgulamak ve bu \u00e7er\u00e7eveye y\u00f6nelik ba\u015fl\u0131ca itirazlar\u0131m\u0131 ortaya koymak istiyorum.<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ABD g\u00fcvenlik \u015femsiyesinin zay\u0131flamas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 kendi savunma mimarisini kurmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar, teorik d\u00fczeyde ikna edici g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de uygulamada ciddi siyasi ve asker\u00ee \u00e7eli\u015fkiler bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131yor. \u0130stihbarat, uzay, komuta-kontrol ve f\u00fcze savunmas\u0131 gibi kritik kapasitelere Avrupa i\u00e7inde en fazla yakla\u015fan \u00fclkeler Fransa ve \u0130ngiltere\u2019dir. Ancak bu iki \u00fclkenin sahip olduklar\u0131 stratejik yetenekleri s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z bi\u00e7imde ortak kullan\u0131ma a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131 varsay\u0131m\u0131 ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i de\u011fil. Merkezi bir Avrupa komuta yap\u0131s\u0131 kurulmas\u0131, \u00fcye \u00fclkelerin ordular\u0131n\u0131 adeta tek bir devletin eyalet kuvvetleri gibi ortak emir-komuta zincirine ba\u011flamay\u0131 gerektirir. Fransa ve \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin ba\u015fat rol talebi, Almanya ve Polonya\u2019n\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve Macaristan gibi \u00fclkelerin farkl\u0131 g\u00fcvenlik tercihleri dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, ortak karar kadar emre itaat sorunu da ortaya \u00e7\u0131kacakt\u0131r. F\u00fcze savunmas\u0131nda belirli stratejik b\u00f6lgeleri uzun menzilli sistemlerle korumak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olsa bile, seyir f\u00fczeleri, yo\u011fun drone dalgalar\u0131 ve saturasyon sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn Avrupa co\u011frafyas\u0131n\u0131 katmanl\u0131 bir kalkanla kaplamak, finansman kadar teknik kapasite bak\u0131m\u0131ndan da ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc g\u00fc\u00e7 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Benzer bir iyimserlik Avrupa savunma sanayisinin k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede yeniden aya\u011fa kald\u0131r\u0131labilece\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Avrupa ge\u00e7mi\u015fte g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir imalat sanayisine, geni\u015f bir yan sanayiye ve nitelikli KOB\u0130 ekosistemine sahipti. Ancak son yirmi y\u0131lda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck maliyetli Asya ve \u00f6zellikle \u00c7in tedarikine y\u00f6nelme, bir\u00e7ok \u00fclkede \u00fcretim altyap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ve teknik i\u015f g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131rd\u0131. Savunma sanayisi yaln\u0131zca b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015firketlerin tank, u\u00e7ak veya f\u00fcze \u00fcretmesinden ibaret de\u011fil; binlerce k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00fcreticinin hassas par\u00e7a, elektronik bile\u015fen, kimyasal madde, patlay\u0131c\u0131, motor, rulman ve \u00f6zel ala\u015f\u0131m \u00fcretmesi gerekir. Bu zincirin robotik yat\u0131r\u0131mlarla birka\u00e7 y\u0131lda kurulmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil. Ayr\u0131ca m\u00fchimmat ve patlay\u0131c\u0131 \u00fcretimi gibi \u00e7evresel, hukuki ve g\u00fcvenlik riski y\u00fcksek sekt\u00f6rlere yat\u0131r\u0131m yapacak giri\u015fimci ve KOB\u0130 bulmak da hi\u00e7 kolay de\u011fil. Bu nedenle Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n uzun vadeli sipari\u015f vermesi \u00f6nemli olsa da, sipari\u015fin tek ba\u015f\u0131na kaybedilmi\u015f \u00fcretim k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc, i\u015f g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc ve tedarik a\u011f\u0131n\u0131 geri getirece\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 iyimser g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">En b\u00fcy\u00fck a\u00e7maz\u0131 ise, insan kayna\u011f\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyorum. Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n 300.000 ilave aktif veya yedek asker olu\u015fturabilece\u011fi y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki hesaplamalar, demografik ve sosyolojik ger\u00e7eklerden b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde kopuk. Avrupa Birli\u011fi, y\u0131llard\u0131r tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan birka\u00e7 bin ki\u015filik h\u0131zl\u0131 m\u00fcdahale kapasitesini dahi siyasi irade, finansman ve g\u00f6rev tan\u0131m\u0131 sorunlar\u0131 nedeniyle etkili bi\u00e7imde kuramad\u0131. B\u00f6yle bir yap\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fcz binlerce genci \u00fcniforma alt\u0131na almas\u0131, e\u011fitmesi ve do\u011fu s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131nda uzun s\u00fcre konu\u015fland\u0131rmas\u0131 fikri beni sadece g\u00fcl\u00fcmsetiyor. Mesele yaln\u0131zca maa\u015f de\u011fil. Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n gen\u00e7 ku\u015faklar\u0131nda askerlik mesle\u011fine, disipline, risk almaya ve gerekti\u011finde cephede sava\u015fmaya y\u00f6nelik toplumsal isteklilik s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131. Avusturyal\u0131, Alman, Slovak veya Macar gen\u00e7lerin Polonya ya da Balt\u0131k s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 korumak i\u00e7in kal\u0131c\u0131 bi\u00e7imde g\u00f6revlendirilece\u011fi varsay\u0131m\u0131, Avrupa dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ek s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelmek anlam\u0131na gelmiyor mu? Bar\u0131\u015f zaman\u0131nda ortak deklarasyon yay\u0131mlamakla, sava\u015f ihtimali kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda insan hayat\u0131n\u0131 ortak bir siyasi irade ad\u0131na riske atmak ayn\u0131 \u015fey de\u011fil.<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Avrupa savunmas\u0131n\u0131n \u0130ngiltere, Fransa, T\u00fcrkiye, Norve\u00e7 ve Ukrayna\u2019y\u0131 kapsayan geni\u015f bir mimariyle tamamlanaca\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi de taraflar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemek anlam\u0131na geliyor. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi savunma tedarik programlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda tutan, siyasi gerek\u00e7elerle teknoloji ve finansman payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlayan bir Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n, kriz an\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den asker\u00ee fedak\u00e2rl\u0131k beklemesi ciddi bir tutars\u0131zl\u0131k. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde Frans\u0131z ve \u0130ngiliz n\u00fckleer kuvvetlerinin b\u00fct\u00fcn Avrupa i\u00e7in ko\u015fulsuz bir cayd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi beklenemez. N\u00fckleer silahlar devlet egemenli\u011finin en son ve en hassas arac\u0131d\u0131r. Paris ve Londra bu g\u00fcc\u00fc payla\u015fsalar bile kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda siyasi liderlik, b\u00fct\u00e7e katk\u0131s\u0131 ve stratejik y\u00f6nlendirme talep edecektir. Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ayr\u0131ca ABD\u2019den ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir sava\u015f doktrini geli\u015ftirecek ortak kurmay k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcne sahip olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 da tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131d\u0131r. Son elli y\u0131lda k\u0131tan\u0131n asker\u00ee planlamas\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde NATO ve Amerikan sistemleri i\u00e7inde \u015fekillendi. Bu nedenle Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki sorun yaln\u0131zca daha fazla para, asker ve silah bulmak de\u011fil; birbirine g\u00fcvenmeyen devletlerden ortak irade, sanayisizle\u015fmi\u015f ekonomilerden sava\u015f \u00fcretimi ve asker\u00ee risk almak istemeyen toplumlardan ger\u00e7ek bir savunma g\u00fcc\u00fc \u00e7\u0131karmakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n savunma mimarisine ili\u015fkin tart\u0131\u015fmalarda dikkat \u00e7ekici bir ba\u015fka \u00e7eli\u015fki ise T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin konumland\u0131r\u0131lma bi\u00e7imidir. Bir taraftan Avrupa, ABD\u2019ye olan teknolojik ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 azaltmak istedi\u011fini ilan ederken; di\u011fer taraftan be\u015finci nesil sava\u015f u\u00e7a\u011f\u0131 KAAN, insans\u0131z sava\u015f u\u00e7a\u011f\u0131 K\u0131z\u0131lelma, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fckl\u00fc jet \u0130HA ANKA-3, Ak\u0131nc\u0131, Bayraktar TB3, Hisar ve Siper hava savunma sistemleri, Atmaca seyir f\u00fczesi gibi y\u00fcksek teknoloji platformlar\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftirebilen ve bunlar\u0131 seri \u00fcretim \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011fine ta\u015f\u0131yabilen Avrupa d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki en \u00f6nemli NATO \u00fclkelerinden birini siyasi gerek\u00e7elerle savunma projelerinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda tutmaktad\u0131r. Oysa yeni sava\u015f doktrini; insanl\u0131 platformlardan \u00e7ok yapay zek\u00e2 destekli insans\u0131z sistemlere, s\u00fcr\u00fc drone konseptine, elektronik harbe ve a\u011f merkezli harek\u00e2ta dayan\u0131yor. T\u00fcrkiye bug\u00fcn tam da bu alanlarda Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n en geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fcreticilerinden biri.<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Buna ra\u011fmen SAFE gibi programlarda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin tedarik\u00e7i olarak dahi sisteme tam anlam\u0131yla dahil edilmemesi, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n g\u00fcvenlik planlamas\u0131n\u0131n stratejik rasyonalite ile de\u011fil, siyasi \u00f6nyarg\u0131larla \u015fekillendi\u011fini g\u00f6steriyor. Fransa\u2019n\u0131n Do\u011fu Akdeniz\u2019den Afrika\u2019ya kadar bir\u00e7ok co\u011frafyada T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi rakip hatta zaman zaman has\u0131m olarak g\u00f6ren yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ve Almanya\u2019n\u0131n onlarca y\u0131ld\u0131r g\u00fcvenlik ve d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Amerikan stratejik tercihleri \u00fczerine in\u015fa etmi\u015f olmas\u0131, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ortak savunma vizyonunun \u00f6n\u00fcndeki en b\u00fcy\u00fck zihinsel engellerden birka\u00e7\u0131 oldu\u011fu olduk\u00e7a a\u00e7\u0131k. G\u00fcvenlik mimarisi kurulurken hangi \u00fclkenin hangi teknolojiyi \u00fcretebildi\u011fi de\u011fil, hangi \u00fclkenin siyasi olarak \u201ctercih edildi\u011fi\u201d belirleyici oluyorsa, ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan yap\u0131 asker\u00ee olmaktan \u00e7ok siyasidir. B\u00f6yle bir zeminde ise uzun vadeli, s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir ve ger\u00e7ekten cayd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 bir Avrupa savunma mimarisi in\u015fa etmek son derece g\u00fc\u00e7 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Kanaatimce Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n temel problemi b\u00fct\u00e7e de\u011fil; stratejik ak\u0131l. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ortak tehdit alg\u0131s\u0131 olmayan, siyasi \u00f6nceliklerini asker\u00ee ger\u00e7eklerin \u00f6n\u00fcne koyan ve en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc m\u00fcttefiklerinin kabiliyetlerini dahi ideolojik filtrelerle de\u011ferlendiren bir k\u0131tan\u0131n, ne ortak bir ordu kurmas\u0131 ne de ortak bir sava\u015f doktrini geli\u015ftirmesi kolay de\u011fil. Tarih, ittifaklar\u0131n yaln\u0131zca ortak d\u00fc\u015fmanla de\u011fil, ortak ak\u0131lla ayakta kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 defalarca g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Kaynaklar:<\/p>\n<ol class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Ben Barry, Douglas Barrie, Henry Boyd, Nick Childs, Fenella McGerty ve di\u011fer IISS uzmanlar\u0131<\/strong><br \/><strong>\u201cDefending Europe Without the United States: Costs and Consequences\u201d<\/strong><br \/>International Institute for Strategic Studies \u2013 IISS<br \/>Ara\u015ft\u0131rma raporu,\u00a0<strong>15 May\u0131s 2025<\/strong>, 31 sayfa.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Alexandr Burilkov ve Guntram B. Wolff<\/strong><br \/><strong>\u201cDefending Europe Without the US: First Estimates of What Is Needed\u201d<\/strong><br \/>Bruegel ve Kiel Institute for the World Economy<br \/>Analiz\/politika \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131,\u00a0<strong>21 \u015eubat 2025<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Camille Grand<\/strong><br \/><strong>\u201cDefending Europe with Less America\u201d<\/strong><br \/>European Council on Foreign Relations \u2013 ECFR<br \/>Politika raporu,\u00a0<strong>3 Temmuz 2024<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Ruben Stewart<\/strong><br \/><strong>\u201cA European Way of War Without the United States\u201d<\/strong><br \/>IISS \u2013\u00a0<em>Survival: Global Politics and Strategy<\/em><br \/>Haziran\u00a0<strong>2026<\/strong>, 28 sayfa.<\/li>\n<li>Avrupa Komisyonunu\u00a0<strong>White Paper for European Defence \u2013 Readiness 2030<\/strong>\u00a0ve ReArm Europe program\u0131<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\n<div class=\"twitter-share\"><a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/intent\/tweet?url=https%3A%2F%2Fsigortamedya.com.tr%2Fozer-simsek-natonun-gelecegi-ve-avrupa-savunmasi-icin-yeni-bir-perspektif%2F&amp;via=sigortamedya\" class=\"twitter-share-button\">Tweet<\/a><\/div>\n<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>NATO\u2019nun gelece\u011fi kadar Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ABD olmadan kendi g\u00fcvenli\u011fini sa\u011flay\u0131p sa\u011flayamayaca\u011f\u0131 da tart\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor. Ortak ordu, savunma sanayisi ve cayd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k hedefleri konu\u015fulurken, k\u0131tan\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011fu siyasi ve stratejik ger\u00e7ekler bu vizyonun uygulanabilirli\u011fini sorgulat\u0131yor. NATO\u2019nun gelece\u011fi art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca Rusya tehdidi \u00fczerinden de\u011fil,<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-745","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-genel"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sigorta.nesiblog.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/745","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sigorta.nesiblog.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sigorta.nesiblog.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sigorta.nesiblog.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sigorta.nesiblog.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=745"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/sigorta.nesiblog.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/745\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sigorta.nesiblog.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=745"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sigorta.nesiblog.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=745"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sigorta.nesiblog.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=745"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}